Contemporary blog-platform that seeks to move discussion beyond critique into prescriptive discourse.

Tag: UK election

Conquering the world market or isolating from it?

The tendency characterising most European Parliament elections is a victory for EU-sceptic and far-right parties. To exemplify, the “National Front” performed very well in France. In Germany, a country normally expected to have the most pro-EU citizens, 7 % of the votes was given to the Eurosceptic party AfD. In Denmark, Morten Messerschmidt, from the very far-right and anti-immigration Danish People’s Party, received the most personal votes ever for an EP-election.

The strongest example is however the UK. The ‘winning’ party in the UK election was, for the first time in a century, not from Labour nor Conservatives, with the very poor results for the Liberal Democrats leading some demanding Nick Clegg’s resignation. Everything seems to be upside-down – confirming the UKIP “earthquake” – a triumph for the eurosceptics.

This is a shocking (although not surprising) result, especially taking into consideration what this could potentially mean for the turnouts at the general election in 2015 where Nigel Farage predicts his party will become a significant player. If he could beat Cameron and Miliband at the EP-election why shouldn’t he be able to beat them at the general election?

The EU-scepticism in the UK will in the worst case scenario cause an UK exit from the European Union after the next general election. From UKIP’s point of view an EU-exit would be beneficial for two reasons.

First, UKIP believes that, after an EU-exit, the UK could conduct a similar or even expanded level of trade with the EU – just without being dictated to by EU’s institutions and regulation. More importantly, it would be a step towards conquering more of the global market independently! While this sounds an inspirational, even desirable, policy option, UKIP fail to mention the flip side of leaving the EU…

Creating new markets and expanding old ones is not a matter of as much deregulation as possible. In fact, operation of the world market arguably requires more regulation in order to harmonise business and trade procedures. Through this harmonisation (and thus through regulation) all trade partners would be assured more equal distribution of the benefits. To support this with an example, German beer purity laws made it difficult for other beer producers in EU to access it’s great beer markets. However, the German law was incompatible with the laws of the European Union allowing the ECJ to overrule it – creating fairer competition for the member states.

Indeed, the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) points out that it will be a mistake to leave the EU arguing that an exit will be bad for both employment and growth in UK. This can be supported by estimates from the UK Governments Department of Business, Innovation & Skills showing that 3.5 million jobs in the UK are related to trade with EU . CBI states that eight out of ten of their business members want to stay in the EU. Alone the fact that the membership of EU brings in 4-5% of UK’s GDP on annual basis should be reason enough to stay. Furthermore, the EU membership has increased investment flows into the UK, particularly to those areas traditionally underdeveloped.

Finally, free movement of labour gives UK’s businesses access to skilled workers from other EU countries. Even though the EU is not perfect, openness is, for the above mentioned reasons, the best economic and political option for UK from a broader business perspective.

Furthermore, the cost of isolation would be limited access to the UK’s current biggest trade market. Half of the UK’s export is to the EU – this would be restricted by an EU exit. Moreover, the EU is of huge importance in relation to the UK’s international trade. Leaving the EU would imply a need for new bilateral trade agreements,  which will not be as favorable as those that current EU-members benefits from. Furthermore, the size and security that the European Union offer its members should not be undermined as an important factor for UK growth and businesses as it creates certainty.

Secondly, Mr. Farage claims that it is not possible to have an adequate immigration policy as long as the UK is a member of the EU. This is backed up by horror stories of Bulgarian and Romanian boogie monsters coming ‘over here’to exploit government benefits and to commit horrible crimes. An easy trick to convince the politically unaware voter; fear has always had a certain political effect. UKIP’s horror portrait of immigration is however both grotesque and unfair…

It is true that many Bulgarian and Romanian people immigrate to the UK, but not as many as UKIP in the first instance attempted to claim. Furthermore, it is a huge generalisation to put all Bulgarians and Romanians in the same box. Immigrants come from many different countries and for many purposes – often to work or study.

This includes myself. I am one of those exploiting the great opportunity created by EU’s agreement on free movement of workers – and I’m not here to commit crimes or exploit government benefits. I moved from Copenhagen to London to study for an M.Sc. and with the intent to stay, find a job, and contribute significantly. My fellow students coming from outside EU faces huge amounts of bureaucracy to pass if they want to work in the UK.

The opportunity created by EU’s free (and easy) movement of labour – a great problem according to UKIP – provides businesses with the the access to qualified and skilled labour from the entire EU. Leaving the EU would create a huge uncertainty for UK businesses that would have trouble filling out the gap for skilled labour.

So the real problem, a problem that is reflected in most EU-countries, is the scepticism arising from a lack of knowledge. If it can really be proven that an EU-exit will benefit the UK in the longer term it is of course worth considering. However, the truth is that it is really hard to say – and in the short term there will for sure be many costs associated with an exit.

The UK will lose complete access to the EU market and would have to renegotiate trade agreements and find new trade partners. 4-5% of UK’s GDP will be lost and have to be found elsewhere. UK businesses will no longer have easy access to skilled labour from other EU countries but will instead have to spend a lot of resources on bureaucracy in the attempt to fill out the qualified workers gaps. Finally, the UK will lose a large amount of investment, as their membership of EU is exactly what many investors are attracted by.

So should UK consider an EU-exit? Looking at the huge short-term costs of an exit it does not seem as the right thing to do. UKIP and other EU-sceptics should be careful jumping to conclusions especially because we don’t have a lot information about longer term effects of an EU-exit. They should instead realise that being a part of the EU is being part of a central powerful player on the international scene. This is however only the start of the journey; to deal with the increasing EU-scepticism we have to acknowledge that the EU is outdated –  making it necessary to consider how to redesign and achieve a better fit with the realities of the 21st century. Only then can we create and benefit from a more united union.

by: Maria Bjerre Degn

Protecting “Generation rent”

We all know that we are the “Generation Rent”. People in the 25-36 years age bracket who have no help from their parents in saving up a deposit can expect to buy their first house at the age of 42. Many young people still aspire to own property, but have accepted that it will be a long time coming if they have not got the advantages of a windfall from somewhere else.

The people living in rented accommodation, counting nearly 9 million people in the UK, represent a huge group of voters.They are at the mercy of the currently uneven protections and instability that comes from the current laws around tenants and landlords. This is what the Labour party are promising to change.

Ed Miliband launched Labour’s election campaign by laying out plans to increase protections for tenants using various measures. The standard tenancy period is to be increased from six months to three years.A contract cannot be terminated in order to hike up rent; only if there is anti-social behaviour, the landlord no longer wants to rent the property, or the current tenant has run up rent arrears. There will also be a ban on excessive letting agents’ fees, limiting them to a maximum of £500.

So is this policy a good idea?  Regulation of this kind will affect a large amount of the population, and polling certainly seems to show that it is popular. A recent YouGov poll for the Sunday Times shows that 56% support rent controls.  However, the poll does not dig deeper into what kind of controls are supported, and there is definitely more than one way to do it.

The policy is part of the party’s commitment to solving the cost-of-living crisis. Labour will gain approval from a sizable chunk of younger voters who are thinking of trying to start a family, or starting to save for a deposit to eventually purchase a house. I think this is a good move for Labour  in terms of electoral strategy and campaigning.

The other side of the argument comes from the laissez-faire objections to interference from the state – No surprises there! Previous experiences with rent controls in the 1970s led to unintentional consequences with tenants living in prime addresses for amounts far below their actual market value. The Guardian reports of one-bed rent control flats in Hampstead Heath being rented at £348/month, while close by private accommodation goes for £1256/month. Whilst this is obviously not fair, those who bang this drum miss an important point – this isn’t what Labour is proposing. As the new contracts are reviewed after three years, the market still has a hand in setting rents. This is Miliband’s political philosophy in action: a belief that the state has a role to play in regulating markets and protecting consumers from market failure, but through legislation, mirroring the German model, rather than through French dirigisme.

Politics and side effects from market intervention aside, this policy has to be seen as a good idea. There will always be arguments about the way to regulate a housing market, or even if it should be done at all.  Help to Buy, and previous experiences with more strict rent controls in this country have shown this. Since the 1980s, the way in which renters are looked after in the housing market has been asymmetrical in favor of landlords.

At a time when renting for longer periods of time is the norm, especially in the Capital and South East region, there is an imperative for the unregulated market to be guided to a place where those in the most vulnerable position are protected. They make up an increasingly large part of the electorate, and they deserve to be looked after.

by: Anique Liiv